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Kategorie: Dissemination

Durch originelle wissenschaftliche Beiträge, welche die Vorarbeiten sowie die (vorläufigen) Ergebnisse der Projekte des Redaktionsteam präsentieren, möchte der Blog TrIBES die theoretischen, begrifflichen und phänomenologischen Grundlagen der Historischen Trendforschung der wissenschaftlichen Community und einem breiter interessierten Publikum zugänglich machen sowie zur Diskussion stellen.

Hier werden die eigene Texte des Redaktionsteam für den Blog veröffentlicht.

In der Rubrik Veröffentlichungen finden Sie die von TrIBES-Mitgliedern in gedruckter Form veröffentlichten Schriften.
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Attraverso contributi scientifici originali, che presentano i lavori preliminari e i risultati dei progetti del team editoriale, il blog TrIBES si propone di rendere accessibili alla comunità scientifica e a un pubblico interessato più ampio i fondamenti teorici, concettuali e fenomenologici della ricerca storica sulle tendenze e di metterli in discussione.

I testi della redazione scritti per io blog verranno pubblicati in questa sezione.

Nella sezione pubblicazioni si trovano gli scritti pubblicati a stampa dai membri di TrIBES.

© Laura Borràs Dalmau

Some Reflections on the Fascist legacy in Italy

Some Reflections from the Round Table at the Kick-Off Event F-Word: An anthropological exploration of fascist practices and meanings among European youth – 30 May 2024 University of Turin
Within the contemporary Italian political scene, the term “fascism” stirs a blend of historical reflection and current analysis. Its legacy, far from being a mere relic of the past, actively permeates both rhetoric and concrete political practices today. The journey from the anti-fascist resistance movement culminating in the Italian Republic to the present illustrates not merely a continuation of specific ideologies but a nuanced adaptation that reflects the dynamic nature of political beliefs and cultural identity. The persistent presence of far-right currents, evolving from historical fascism to modern iterations like the Movimento Sociale Italiano (MSI), Alleanza Nazionale (AN), and ultimately Fratelli d’Italia, underlines the complexity of fully disengaging from a fascist past. This dialogue explores the validity of “fascism” as a term in contemporary discussion, the legitimate association of current political practices with historical fascism, and the most palpable manifestations of fascist legacy in today’s Italy. Here, we delve into an integrated narrative, pieced together from various perspectives throughout our conversation

Nel labirinto dell’estrema destra italiana. Fonti, metodi e percorsi di ricerca storica

Martedì 28 maggio 2024, alle ore 15:00, presso l’Aula Goldoniana del Collegio Ghislieri di Pavia, si terrà la tavola rotonda “Nel labirinto dell’estrema destra italiana. Fonti, metodi e percorsi di ricerca storica”.

L’evento rientra nel ciclo “Prospettive di diritto e di necessità” e tra le iniziative per il centenario della Scuola di scienze politiche dell’Università di Pavia ed è organizzato dal Corso di Dottorato in Storia.

A Precarious Balance: San Precario’s Legacy and the Fight Against Fleeting Job Security

The transformations in the Italian labor market over the final decades of the 20th century were driven by a complex mix of economic, technological, and political factors. The advent of globalization and rapid technological progress have undermined the foundations of the traditional Fordist work model, characterized by stable jobs and a clear distinction between working time and leisure time. From the ’90s, deregulation initiatives in the labor market, motivated by the desire to increase the competitiveness of Italian companies on a global level, introduced elements of work flexibility. While initially designed to reduce unemployment and facilitate labor market entry for youth and women, these measures over time significantly eroded worker guarantees, exacerbating precarity.
The origins of San Precario date back to February 29, 2004, a leap date that embodies uncertainty and unpredictability, just like the condition of temporary workers. His first “appearance” at a Coop supermarket in the northern area of Milan inaugurated a significant chapter, marking the beginning of a movement that would lead San Precario to become a symbol of the fight against work precarity not only in Italy but also in Europe.

L’estrema destra in Italia: definizioni e fenomeno // Die extreme Rechte in Italien: Definitionen und Phänomen

In diesem Vortrag befasste sich Massimiliano Livi mit den definitorischen Schwierigkeiten der extremen Rechte in Italien, indem unterschiedliche Begriffsdefinitionen diskutiert und eine Differenzierung zwischen Neofaschismus, extremen und radikalen Rechten vorgenommen wird.

In questa conferenza, Massimiliano Livi ha affrontato le difficoltà definitorie dell’estrema destra in Italia, discutendo diverse definizioni e distinguendo tra neofascismo, estrema destra e destra radicale. Nella sezione principale, tre casi di studio illustrano la continuità politica e strutturale e la complessità dell’estrema destra in Italia.

Fa paura l’estrema destra in Italia e in Germania. Intervista di WDR Cosmo a Massimiliano Livi

In Italia le radici storiche dell’estremismo di destra, comprese le influenze del MSI, nella quale rientrano anche organizzazioni e partiti come FdI e Lega, che da tempo cercano di distanziarsi dal neofascismo, contribuiscono per prime alla complessità della sua definizione. In Germania, la scena neonazista è invece caratterizzata da NPD e AfD, entrambi sotto osservazione per attività estremiste. Tra differenze e continuità, la presenza di elementi ultradestra russi a Roma indica l’esistenza di una rete transnazionale.

Nell’intervista con il redattore di Cosmo Italiano per la WDR Radio, Massimiliano Livi riflette sull’estremismo di destra in Italia e Germania.

40 Jahre danach – Die “Gruppe” Ludwig und ihre rechtsextreme Phänomenologie

Bis zur Festnahme von Wolfgang Abel und Marco Furlan im Jahr 1984 wurde allgemein angenommen, dass „Ludwig“ der Name einer geheimen rechtsextremen Organisation sei, die seit einem Jahrzehnt mörderische Aktionen durchführte.

„Ludwig“ tauchte als Pseudonym zum ersten Mal im November 1980 in einem handschriftlich in Pseudorunen geschriebenen Bekennerschreiben auf, das der „Gazzettino“ in Venedig erhielt.

Quando la “classe” è più cattiva del “maestro”. In morte di Toni Negri

La scomparsa di Antonio “Toni” Negri il 16 Dicembre scorso ha dimostrato, per l’ennesima volta, come il dibattito pubblico e mediatico italiano non riesca a liberarsi da una lettura molto semplificata degli anni Settanta e delle vicende che hanno caratterizzato quel tornante decisivo della storia italiana. Ce ne parlano Jacopo Ciammariconi e Giorgio Del Vecchio

Die extreme Rechte. Deutschland, Italien und Europa

The current issue of the “Archiv für Sozialgeschichte” introduces perspectives on the social history of right-wing extremism. It specifically delves into what constituted right-wing extremism both in the past and present.
Massimiliano Livi’s essay on “The Extreme Right in Italy” illuminates the historical development of this phenomenon. The Movimento Sociale Italiano (MSI) represented the neofascist right in parliament during the First Republic. The essay explores definitional challenges of the extreme right in Italy, distinguishing between neofascism, extreme, and radical right.
Overall, the analysis provides profound insights into the historical genesis, meanings, and societal functions of right-wing extremism in Germany, Europe, and specifically in Italy up to the present day.

“I certainly wouldn’t call it work anymore” – The Reconfiguration of Work in Italy during the 1970s from a Historical Semantics Perspective

At the end of the 1970s, with the onset of the post-boom crisis, the rejection of regulated labour and the theorisation of its liberation through precarisation and flexi-bilisation became part of a cultural and social semantics for the young gen-eration of workers entering the wage labour system. Their motto was “freeing labour to free life from labour”. Through both a quantitative and quali-tative historical semantic analysis of the sources, this contribution examines the medium- and long-term impacts of this reconfiguration on the practices of regulated and controlled wage labour. It also aims to offer an initial reflection on the use of the historical semantic approach for contemporary history and its possible – or rather, necessary – differentiation from other forms of discourse analysis.

Giorgia Meloni and the Shift to the Right in Italy: An Analysis Five Months After the Election

The article analyzes the performance of Italyʼs Prime Minister, Giorgia Meloni, leader of the Fratelli dʼItalia party, after five months in office. The countryʼs critical attitude towards Europe and the desire for a strong leader reflect a general trend of conservative and authoritarian nostalgia throughout Europe. Ethno-nationalism, anti-liberal Catholicism, resentment against politicians, and anti-capitalism shape the decisions of many voters. Despite all the misgivings, Italy remains a parliamentary democracy with stable institutions, and Meloniʼs victory is a continuation of the long-standing shift within the center-right coalition, not a historical break or conservative-nationalist repositioning.

Das “Giorno della Memoria” – Zum Status der italienischen Erinnerungskultur

Anlässlich des „Tages des Gedenkens“ 2023 (Giorno della Memoria) verbreitete Giorgia Meloni auf ihren sozialen Profilen einen institutionellen Beitrag in dem sie unterlässt, auf den Zusammenhang zwischen Faschismus und Judenverfolgung hinzuweisen. Dies ist eine charakteristische Strategie der derzeit regierenden Rechten, die das Thema institutionell (fast obligatorisch) nutzt und dabei die Erinnerung an die Verfolgung der Juden während des Faschismus in Italien sowohl von Bedeutung als auch von historischem Inhalt entleert.

Diese pseudokulturelle Politik der Rechten wird paradoxerweise durch die Entwicklung der Erinnerungspraktiken in den letzten zwanzig Jahren begünstigt, die, indem die Generation der unmittelbaren Zeugen am Verschwinden ist, eine immer weiter verbreitete Kulturindustrie eröffnen, in der eher die kommunikative Wirksamkeit als die kritische Strenge zählt.

Daher wird am Ende des Zeitalters der Zeugen die Bewahrung der Erinnerung davon abhängen, wie Historiker, Intellektuelle und Kulturschaffende ihre Professionalität nutzen, um ein öffentliches ziviles Gewissen aufzubauen.

Um die Erinnerung an die Shoah in Zukunft aufrechtzuerhalten, wird es notwendiger sein, sich auf dem Terrain der Geschichte zu bewegen. Jedoch ohne eine professionelle Ausbildung in der Vermittlung von Geschichte die Gefahr besteht, die bereits begonnene Dynamik der Emotionalisierung des Themas mit der daraus folgenden Bedeutungsentleerung der Erinnerungspolitik zu verstärken.